Kashmir: The South Asian Panacea

Kashmir, the burning issue of the South Asian subcontinent, intermittently tosses between deceptive calm and orgy of violence. A temporary respite from violence of this stalemated region makes one believe that ‘may be, the peace has returned’. But such thinking has always proved to be wishful. As the State recedes to ever greater depth and complexities of politics and religion, it nurtures more and more pessimism. The catastrophic situation has given rise to a permanent divide between the ruling elite and the people. Unfortunately, no new initiative is forthcoming and the rift is widening every day.

Stalemated for more than sixty years, the issue is now considered 'beyond solution' and the public apathy verges on resignation.

In his book ‘Kashmir: the South Asian Panacea’, the author, after briefly touching the historical and political aspects of the dispute, knocks at the crux of the matter, which, he believes, is the misconception about the 'sense of history and geography' as it leads to misplaced sense of historical possession and glorified space. After negating such misconceptions the book proposes the co-ownership of Kashmir and entry of regional (sub continental) players in the proposed co-ownership by making Kashmir, the capital of South Asian Union.

The author suggests a step-by-step formula for the neutralization and unification of Kashmir. The process has to be initiated by identifying city pairs, which could become the axis of integration. Three such pairs; namely, Leh - Skardu, Nowshera - Mirpur and Srinagar - Muzaffarabad have been suggested for launching trade and visitors' exchange. The book further postulates that around these axis and city-pairs, the zones will be gradually built and enlarged so as to finally make a Capital Territory for the South Asian Union.

The author is conscious that the formula could be criticized as Utopian or day-dreaming. However, the public endeavors that are unfolding in the subcontinent are proving that such a public initiative is possible. The examples of the rise of Malala Yousafzai in Swat Valley of Pakistan and Shahbagh Movement of Bangladesh are cited to prove this point.

Concluding his argument the author proposes that through well-defined public campaigns, the Kashmiri population on both the sides of the political divide will have to be persuaded to think of their State as the panacea for the teeming millions of the subcontinent. The idea that ‘Kashmir is ours’ has to take precedence over the idea of ‘Kashmir is mine’ or ‘Kashmir is not yours’.
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Having thus outlined the idea of making an effective supra national entity of South Asian Union (SAU) with Kashmir as its capital territory, which will fructify due to public campaigns and compelling mutual interest, the book stipulates that the Union has the intrinsic ability to survive through constant invigoration by multiple players. When the stake to the disputed land is opened to the regional players, besides both the antagonists, the enlarged participation will dilute the animosity. The role model for the Union is, as expected, the European Union. However, by incorporating the idea of 'unified and neutralized capital territory' it extrapolates farther from the EU, and predicts a new beginning.

In all, the book attempts to have a fresh look at the Kashmir imbroglio. The hypothesis is founded on the presumption that the endeavors for the unification of South Asian states has not succeeded so far due to the thorny issue of Kashmir and the lack of vital space. Once the Kashmir issue is rightly addressed with sobering participation of regional players and when the vital space is opened up for the release of dormant and latent energy of the people, the tide will slowly turn in favor of the dispute resolution.

The treatise makes interesting reading for all who have stake in South Asia and whose fates are irretrievably woven with the destiny of Kashmir.